Food politics – can Switzerland produce more of what it eats? Swiss-EU package of agreements – the issues at stake Living on the edge – Mürren and its precarious location JULY 2026 The magazine for the Swiss Abroad
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There are certain things that are quintessentially, unmistakably Swiss. The Alps, direct democracy, cheese. Expats know the feeling: you spot a piece of Gruyère, some Emmental or a bar of Swiss chocolate in your local supermarket, and suddenly you are transported right back to your home country. But actually, how Swiss is our food these days? The answer may surprise you. Switzerland produces less than half of the food eaten in the country. In other words, over half of the calories that the Swiss population consumes come directly or indirectly from other countries. This statistic is even more astonishing when you consider that agriculture is front and centre in our nation of lush pastures, grazing cows and bucolic family-run Alpine farms. But that tells only part of the story. Agriculture is one thing; food security, the environment, profitability, and public expectations are another. Long gone are the days when the contents of our plates were just a question of taste. Some will say that eating meat is as natural to human beings as walking upright, others that it is no longer viable. And while Switzerland imports much of its food, it exports cheese all around the world. Of course it does. Our country likes to be self-sufficient, but we are truly intertwined with the rest of the world – and Europe in particular. Talking of Europe, the electorate will at some stage have to vote yes or no to Bilaterals III, the new package of Swiss-EU agreements (see page 24). It is the same old question: how close a relationship does Switzerland need with the European Union to remain economically strong but politically independent? The neutrality debate also touches on how autonomous we want to be in an interconnected but uncertain world (see page 8). That such issues are relevant to agriculture is perhaps no coincidence. What we eat depends not only on the weather, our soil and our fields, but also on markets, agreements and our relationship with the world. Like it or not, food is also political. WALTER SCHMID, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 4 Focus Swiss agriculture and the politics of food 8 Politics Neutrality in the spotlight Road to digital democracy proves bumpy 14 Society Switzerland and the scourge of domestic violence 16 Swiss extremes Living on the edge 19 Switzerland in figures A little bit (more) of everything News from your region 20 History Ancient discovery in Lake Neuchâtel 22 Report Prehistoric giants 24 News Questions and answers on the new Swiss-EU package of agreements 30 Notes from the Federal Palace Enrol on the register of the Swiss Abroad to exercise your political rights 32 SwissCommunity Food for thought – at home and abroad Cover photo: Keystone “Swiss Review”, the information magazine for the “Fifth Switzerland”, is published by the Organisation of the Swiss Abroad Photo: Wikimedia Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 3 Editorial Contents
4 CHRISTOF FORSTER When the nights draw in and the temperatures drop, Switzerland likes to fall back on hearty fare like rösti, raclette and fondue. The basic ingredients for these classics – milk and potatoes – are staples that have been sourced and eaten in our own country since time immemorial. Swiss-produced vegan cheese alternatives are now a viable option too. Indeed, modern diets are now considerably more diverse than they used to be. Farmers still help to put food on our plates but trying to understand the money and trade flows that make Swiss agriculture tick means grappling with a dizzying array of figures. Besides our own personal preferences, it is a complicated web of direct transactions, subsidies, tariffs, import quotas, and a great deal more that dictates what we eat. Here are five questions (and answers) to make sense of it all. 1 Could Switzerland potentially be able to produce all the food it needs? A 2025 study co-written by ETH Zurich agricultural ecologist Andreas Bosshard says yes. This conclusion surprised Bosshard himself. He and his co-authors think Switzerland could become completely self-sufficient. It could even produce enough food for over 10 million people, compared to 4.2 million today. Switzerland’s net self-sufficiency rate is currently around 50 per cent, or 57 per cent if you take imported animal feed into account. The initiative “for food security” (Food Security Initiative) wants Switzerland to hit 70 per cent. Can Switzerland produce more of what its people eat? And other questions Few countries support their farmers as much as Switzerland, which produces around half of all the food calories its population consumes. The Food Security Initiative, due to be put to voters on 27 September 2026, aims to push this level of self-sufficiency much higher. Bosshard suggests nine measures that could be implemented without major monetary investment, the most important of which concerns livestock feed. Cattle should only graze on grass and not be fed concentrates and maize. Switzerland now devotes 60 per cent of its arable land to growing animal feed, while also importing concentrate feed. If cows fed on grass alone, this would free up large swathes of land to grow food for humans. Although it would lead to lower milk yields, demand would still be met given current levels of overproduction, the study says. Food waste is another factor. By halving it, Switzerland could feed 1.8 million more people. We should also return to the practice of feeding food waste safely to pigs, not least because of the positive environmental effects, as it would help us to reach our carbon and ammonia reduction targets. Yet the Swiss Farmers’ Union believes that full food self-sufficiency is completely unrealistic. During the Second World War, when only four million people lived in Switzerland and more agricultural land was available, self-sufficiency was around 70 per cent despite rationing, it argues. According to an ETH Zurich study, Switzerland could potentially produce enough food to feed over 10 million people. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 4 Focus
According to the latest government assessment of farming practices and their environmental impact, too much nitrogen still ends up in sensitive ecosystems, despite levels falling. Ammonia levels are also down but still above the required target. The situation regarding pesticides is also less than satisfactory. Levels have dropped since 2019, but in rivers and streams they rose again in 2024. Parliament has already approved measures to halve the risks posed by pesticide use by 2027. Imported food has a more detrimental impact on the environment than that of domestic produce, says the Swiss centre of excellence for The farming sector itself can only do a small amount of the things that are needed, Bosshard concedes. Most measures require the involvement of the food industry, retailers, and consumers, he says, adding that, since the Second World War, the state has, to a large degree, shaped and played a role in encouraging today’s consumption habits and behaviours, which are responsible for many of the inefficiencies in the food system. This particularly applies to animal-derived foods. For decades, at least 80 per cent of agricultural subsidies have gone into animal farming, with crop production receiving only 20 per cent. In its 2022 report on the future direction of agricultural policy, the Federal Council also concludes that more arable land must be used to grow crops for direct human consumption to ensure that domestic food production keeps up with population growth. Yet 100 per cent self-sufficiency will not be possible despite all this, because many of the key resources needed in the Swiss farming sector are often imported. These include artificial fertilisers, pesticides, diesel, and seed. 2 H ow environmentally sustainable is Swiss agriculture? In its most recent 2016 report on environmental goals for agriculture, the Federal Council painted a mixed picture on whether targets related to biodiversity, greenhouse gas emissions, phosphorous, and pesticides were being met. Environmental goals have not been reviewed systematically since then, with no study keeping track of progress. This significant lapse in knowledge makes obtaining a coherent overview impossible, say farming experts. The latest updates and analyses only relate to individual areas. To receive direct subsidies, farms must fulfil a range of sustainability criteria. This mandatory standard (“proof of environmental performance”) is not stringent enough, counter environmental groups. The Swiss branch of the World Wide Fund for Nature notes that none of the government’s 13 environmental goals have been met. Aims of the Food Security Initiative The Food Security Initiative seeks to increase to 70 per cent the extent to which domestic food production covers domestic food consumption. Ten years would be the timeframe for achieving this target. It would mean diets having to become more plant-based. The initiative also calls for the protection of groundwater resources as well as the promotion of a sustainable system of agriculture and food production. Behind the initiative are Franziska Herren from the Clean Water for All association plus a number of other people. Herren was also the driving force behind the Clean Drinking Water initiative that was rejected in June 2021. The Federal Council and parliament have rejected the Food Security Initiative without offering a counterproposal. Voters will offer their own verdict on 27 September. (CF) The Swiss branch of the World Wide Fund for Nature notes that Switzerland’s environmental performance is poor. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 5
agricultural research, Agroscope, citing potatoes as an example. Findings in Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Italy were used for comparative purposes. The results were less clear-cut in the case of animal products. Biodiversity, on the other hand, has remained stable. This is positive news given its otherwise historic decline, the government wrote in its 2025 Agricultural Report. Biodiversity levels are nevertheless still very low. There is, therefore, still a lot to do to improve environmental sustainability. According to a new Agroscope study, it is possible for the food system to be much more environmentally friendly, resulting in healthier diets and a higher rate of food self-sufficiency. 3 Is Switzerland a country of small farms? By international standards, farms in Switzerland tend to be relatively small family businesses. The average size of a Swiss farm is 22 hectares of used agricultural area, which is considerably less than in most European Union countries. There is no precise definition of what a small farm is, although a farm of 10 hectares or less is typically referred to as a smallholding or small-scale farm. Switzerland has 13,213 such farms (out of a total of 47,075 farms in 2024). Nearly five per cent of farms cover even less than a hectare. Most farms (12,380 in 2024) are between 10 and 20 hectares, while seven percent of farms exceed 50 hectares. The traditional Swiss farm is primarily a family operation run on a full-time or parttime basis. All family members are typically involved, often across multiple generations. Swiss agriculture has, however, been in a state of flux for quite some time. Around one to 1.5 percent of farms close every year. In 2025 alone, 805 farms went out of business. The land is usually taken over by neighbouring farms, hence the average agricultural area per farm is steadily increasing. Farms have increased in size by some 50 per cent since 2000. 4 To what extent does the state subsidise food production? Switzerland pours huge subsidies into food production, and our farmers receive some of the highest levels of government support worldwide. This reflects a deliberate political strategy. Roughly half of every franc that a farmer makes comes from the state, either in the form of subsidies (e.g. direct payments) or through higher consumer prices caused by tariffs. Liberal think tank Avenir Suisse estimates that agricultural trade protection costs Switzerland nearly three billion Swiss francs a year. Added to this are federal contributions to support production and promote sales, such as cheese-making subsidies, which amount to about 500 million francs a year on top of 2.8 billion francs in direct payments (2024). Consequently, every person in Switzerland pays an average 300 francs of their own money in direct payments to the agricultural sector each year, as well as around 40 francs to the dairy industry, regardless of how much or Switzerland pours huge subsidies into food production, and our farmers receive some of the highest levels of government support worldwide. By international standards, farms in Switzerland tend to be relatively small family businesses. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 6 Focus
little they consume. Some of the subsidies come with conditions, like protecting the countryside or promoting biodiversity. Then we also have hidden subsidies. Economists point, for example, to the reduced VAT rates that apply directly to soil cultivation services like sowing and ploughing, and indirectly to food products. Food in Switzerland is subject to a reduced VAT rate of 2.6 per cent because it counts as a basic necessity. Given that food consumption is not spread equally across the population, this creates distortions that are inefficient and not necessarily fair. Higher-income households also benefit from the reduced rate, because the food they buy normally tends to be more expensive. Sometimes, they even end up benefiting more. Economists believe these myriad subsidies and tax breaks not only distort the market by delaying structural changes but also have a negative climate and environmental impact. They doubt whether Switzerland could maintain a high degree of self-sufficiency during a crisis. 5 Is food a new religion? According to the Food Security Initiative, Switzerland should produce more of its own food by growing more crops for human consumption. This quickly leads into an emotive debate. Food has become a religion of sorts. Not in the sense that it delivers answers to existential questions like life after death or where we came from. But for people who devote themselves to it, food generates a sense of identity going far beyond what is on the plate. Eating vegetarian or vegan can turn into a mindset that extends into many areas, just as eating meat has become a political statement for some. The way we eat can be about much more than diet: animal welfare, sustainability, environmental protection, climate change, lifestyle, individualism, even world views as a whole. People no longer eat vegan, they are vegan. Or they are meat eaters. Naturally, we are talking about one of countless characteristics that define us. Hence, discussions about food preferences can quickly become heated. Another parallel with religion may be the ideological aspect, whereby people act according to strictly defined rules. In religion, they call it dogma. Like religious belief, food too can engender a sense of community – where you feel connected to like-minded people and distance yourself from those who think differently. Until well into the 20th century, it was almost impossible for a Protestant and a Catholic to tie the knot. Such marriages were frowned upon. Nowadays, there are vegans who deem it impossible to be in a relationship with someone who eats meat. There are vegans who are convinced that the way they eat is helping to save the planet. Some meat eaters firmly believe that eating as much meat as possible is their prerogative, arguing that they are merely doing what humans have always done. Sometimes they feel that non-meat eaters are taking the moral high ground and push back. Much like religion, food can be redemptive – delivering health, purity, and moral integrity. This can complicate relations at the dinner table. Switzerland pours huge subsidies into food production, and our farmers receive some of the highest levels of government support worldwide. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 7
THEODORA PETER SVP doyen and former Federal Councillor Christoph Blocher is the mastermind behind the popular initiative “Safeguarding Swiss neutrality” (Neutrality Initiative). Blocher was unhappy that the Federal Council adopted the wide-ranging European Union sanctions against Moscow in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Financial sanctions, the freezing of assets, and import and export bans are some of the measures now in place. This was a “breach of neutrality”, lamented Blocher. Switzerland had itself become a party to the war “for reasons of pure opportunism” and had damaged its credibility as a neutral intermediary (see “Swiss Review” 6/2022). An initiative subsequently tabled by Pro Switzerland – the successor organisation to AUNS (the Campaign for an Independent and Neutral Switzerland), which Blocher founded 40 years ago – now wants “perpetual, armed neutrality” to be enshrined in the constitution. This would prohibit Switzerland from joining any military or defence alliance, while cooperation with an alliance such as NATO would only be permitted in the event of a direct military attack on Switzerland. The authors of the initiative explicitly Rigid or flexible? Neutrality in the spotlight Neutrality is part of Switzerland’s identity. But how far should it go? On 27 September, voters will decide on the “Neutrality Initiative” submitted by the right-wing Pro Switzerland association. The proposal advocates a strict interpretation of neutrality. want to ban what they call “compulsory, non-military measures against warring countries” of the type Switzerland has imposed on Russia. The only exempt measures would be sanctions approved by the UN Security Council. Regarding the war in Ukraine, Russia has consistently used its veto as a permanent member of the Security Council to block any substantive resolutions. The Federal Council had cited violations of international humanitarian law as the reason for joining the EU’s economic sanctions on Russia. “Playing into the hands of an aggressor is not neutral,” Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis (FDP) explained at the time. But the government ruled out supplying weapons and protective equipment to Ukraine. The international Former Federal Councillor Christoph Blocher – shown here (centre) submitting the Neutrality Initiative to the Federal Chancellery in April 2024 – wants a strict definition of neutrality to be enshrined in the constitution. Photo: Keystone According to the results of a survey, a majority of the public want Switzerland to be able to impose sanctions on countries that violate international law. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 8 Politics
Contentious arms exports After addressing the Neutrality Initiative, the electorate will have another neutrality-related issue to think about. A vote on amending the War Materiel Act (WMA) is expected to take place at the end of November. This is after leftwing parties called a referendum opposing the bill, which aims to relax restrictions on Swiss arms exports. The conservative majority in parliament approved the revised WMA in December 2025 to help the Swiss arms industry generate more revenue. It would allow Switzerland to grant exports and re-exports of war materiel to any of 25 Western countries – including the US, Argentina, Japan, and EU and NATO countries – if these countries were ever involved in an armed conflict. This would be a change to the current export restrictions designed to prevent Swiss arms from being used in civil wars or ending up in the hands of terrorist organisations. The Federal Council can exercise its veto whenever it believes that Swiss interests are in jeopardy with regard to foreign affairs, security, or neutrality. Yet there is still a risk that Swiss weapons could circulate unchecked around the world, say opponents. Nothing will change for Ukraine, regardless of the referendum: pressure from the SVP has resulted in parliament maintaining the ban on Swiss military equipment being sent to Kyiv. (TP) jority are in favour of Switzerland not participating militarily in conflicts involving other countries. By the same token, an equally strong majority want Switzerland to be able to impose sanctions on countries that violate international law. The survey, conducted in November 2025, showed considerable opposition to the Neutrality Initiative. Only 39 per cent said they intended to vote yes or would tend to vote yes, while 58 per cent rejected the proposal or were inclined to do so. The undecided accounted for only three percent. There was no updated polling data available at the time of our editorial deadline. The initiative will be put to voters on 27 September. A separate initiative on food security will also be on the ballot (see Focus on pages 4 to 7). law of neutrality precludes Switzerland from affording preferential treatment to any warring party – and the Federal Council has so far stuck to this strict interpretation of impartiality, even if doing so weakens the effectiveness of sanctions against the aggressor. A majority in parliament oppose the initiative Until now, the Federal Constitution has contained no explicit definition of Swiss neutrality. But it obliges the Federal Council to take measures to safeguard Switzerland’s external security, independence, and neutrality. The Federal Council sees no reason to amend these provisions. Since the birth of the federal Swiss state in 1848, there has been a conscious choice not to make the wording more precise, Cassis explained during a debate on the Neutrality Initiative in parliament. This flexibility was necessary and had proven itself in the last 175 years. “Neutrality is an instrument and not an end in itself.” Besides the Federal Council, a majority in parliament also oppose the initiative. Those who would vote no warn against Switzerland limiting its foreign policy options in a time of uncertainty. The initiative promises clarity but inflicts a straitjacket, said the FDP National Councillor for Aargau, Maja Riniker, during the parliamentary debate. “Maintaining neutrality by shielding ourselves from the world is utopian.” There is particular pushback on prohibiting economic sanctions against warring countries. Had Switzerland not aligned itself with the EU sanctions against Russia, “we would more or less have become Putin’s European lifeline”, said the SP National Councillor for Grisons, Jon Pult. The SVP, the only party to support the initiative, wants the Federal Council’s interpretation of neutrality to be strictly limited. Preserving neutrality requires courage and backbone, it says. SVP National Councillor for Geneva, Céline Amaudruz: “It is not our role to be following the herd, but to keep channels open for negotiation.” Most Swiss want to keep things as they are What do the Swiss public think of neutrality? According to the results of a survey published at the start of 2026 by the Sotomo research institute, the Swiss support the principle of neutrality but do not want to change the way it is currently applied. A big maFlexibility matters, Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis (FDP) told parliament: “Neutrality is an instrument and not an end in itself.” Photo: Keystone “Neutrality is an instrument and not an end in itself.” Ignazio Cassis Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 9
EVELINE RUTZ An e-voting pilot in Basel-Stadt made headlines after it was hit by a technical glitch on 8 March. The canton was unable to count 2,048 votes from Swiss Abroad and people with physical and/or mental impairments, because the relevant code failed to decrypt the digital ballot box that contained these votes. The contents of this ballot box remained blocked – and were not included in the vote count (see “Swiss Review” 2/2026). However, this had no tangible effect on the overall results, given that none of the votes were tight. The Basel-Stadt cantonal chancellery and the Federal Chancellery (FCh) immediately put out statements saying that the e-voting system itself was not the cause of the problem. In the other pilot cantons of St Gallen, Thurgau and Grisons, all e-votes had been counted without a hitch. It was only in Basel where an issue prevented access via a USB stick. The process may have been handled incorrectly, say experts. An external analysis will aim to find out precisely what happened. Basel-Stadt has suspended its e-voting pilot until the end of this year. The other three cantons trialled e-voting again on the latest voting Sunday (14 June 2026) after reviewing their processes for decrypting digital ballot boxes. These cantons also employed other means of data storage besides USB sticks. The Federal Chancellery had given them the green light to conduct further pilots, saying it was “highly unlikely” that there would be another glitch like the one in Basel-Stadt. Another bump in the road towards digital participation E-voting makes it easier for Swiss Abroad to vote. But further patience is needed after another glitch. The news on e-collecting is a little more positive. Public confidence “broken” Nevertheless, the mishap refuels a debate that has been ongoing in Switzerland for over 20 years. Critics of online voting feel vindicated. “There are too many risks,” says Rahel Estermann, co-head of the Swiss nonprofit civil rights and consumer protection organisation Digital Rights. Especially given the high security standards that elections and popular votes must meet, she adds. Not only does voting confidentiality need to be maintained, but it must be possible to trace votes individually and verify the overall result. According to Estermann, fulfilling these three requirements at the same time is almost impossible from a technical standpoint. All it takes is a minor issue for the result of an entire vote to lose credibilOnly paper votes were counted in Basel-Stadt on 8 March, following a failure to decrypt the digital ballot. The glitch has refuelled the debate on e-voting. Photo: Keystone Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 10 Politics
ity. The incident in Basel caused considerable damage, political scientist Michael Herrmann told SRF. “It has broken public confidence and sets the whole process back years.” There was anger from Swiss who live abroad. One woman in France said she had been deprived of casting her vote. “We have fought long and hard for this right.” And now this. Supporters of online voting also agree that the right to participate must be safeguarded, but argue that the trials, which began in 2023, have gone well over the course of 300 different votes. The right lessons now need to be learned, so that the glitch ultimately helps to improve the system. The canton of Lucerne also wants to pilot e-voting, starting in September this year. Thanks to e-ID, which the electorate narrowly endorsed in September 2025, e-voting could one day go completely digital. E-ID should be available from 1 December 2026. The federal government originally wanted to roll it out this summer but is now introducing further data privacy and security measures after the Swiss Federal Audit Office expressed misgivings. More efficient, more secure, more reliable Using the government’s e-ID system to collect signatures digitally – a process referred to as e-collecting – is another objective. The validity of signatures could then be checked in the space of a few clicks. This would save committees, municipalities and the Federal Chancellery a lot of work. Administrators would be able to do away with things like sending signature sheets back and forth by post. They would be informed of the number of authenticated signatures in real time and could plan their work accordingly. Voters would also benefit, because their data would have better protection and be transmitted reliably. This is why e-collecting has been back on the political agenda since 2024. Recent cases of signature fraud involving professional firms (see “Swiss Review” 1/2025) mean there is increased pressure to improve the existing paper-based system. The goal is not to move the entire process online. Signature collections will still take place in the public domain, but digital technology would make them more efficient, more transparent and more secure. Input and consultation Five out of the six largest parliamentary parties – with the exception of the SVP – are committed to introducing a digital system, which they would like to begin trialling sooner rather than later. The Federal Chancellery is preparing a pilot and has brought together a broad range of stakeholders in order to reach a solution that can command a majority. It launched a collaborative process in August 2025, drawing on an approach that has already proved effective with regard to e-ID. Not only does it regularly host online sessions to share insights, expertise, experience, opinions and ideas, but it has also created an online platform for written communication. Federal Chancellor Viktor Rossi will rely on this dialogue to define the system’s parameters, starting with technical implementation. There are also regulatory, political and organisational challenges surrounding the project. One is making sure that the collection platform is neutral, i.e. that it provides information on referendums and popular initiatives without disseminating any political message. The platform should be designed to ensure that no proposal is given more prominence than others. Experts anticipate an increase in the number of petitions. Civil society groups may be able to shape political debate more than they do at the moment. Initial findings are expected at cantonal level. St Gallen has developed its own system, which is set to go online soon. Geneva’s solution is still in the conceptual phase. The technical implementation of e-collecting is easier than e-voting, says Rahel Estermann, adding that a secure and data-efficient open-source approach is key. A digital solution would make political participation easier, with Swiss Abroad and people with impairments standing to benefit in particular. “E-collecting would strengthen democracy.” Swiss Abroad are eligible to sign petitions for popular initiatives and referendums, provided they are entered in the electoral register. This currently applies to 246,624 people. There are no figures available on the number of Swiss Abroad who sign petitions. As it currently stands, signatures collected for referendums and popular initiatives are still submitted to the Federal Chancellery in boxes. E-collecting would make political participation easier for Swiss Abroad. Photo: Keystone After polls closed on 8 March 2026, the canton of Basel-Stadt was unable to count 2,048 votes from Swiss Abroad and people with physical and/or mental impairments. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 11
1 2 3 Just like her fellow Geneva native Nicolas Bouvier, Ella Maillart was one of the great Swiss voyagers of the 20th century. Between 1932 and 1939, before the world was engulfed by war, this adventurer born into a wealthy family criss-crossed the USSR, Iran, Afghanistan, China and the rest of Asia, particularly Central Asia. Her photographs unveil the intrepid woman she was. Street scenes in Moscow, while Stalin’s reign of terror was in full swing behind the Iron Curtain. Maillart crossing a mountain pass at an altitude of over 4,800 metres. Here she is again in the deserts of Chinese Turkestan, at a time when the Westerners crossing these regions could be counted on the fingers of one hand. This exhibition in Lausanne shows a selection of prints developed for the occasion. They are taken from archives donated in 1988 by Ella Maillart to Photo Elysée museum and the University of Geneva. Margin notes on the photos from the adventurer herself bring the visit to life. The exhibition sheds light on the historical events witnessed by the Geneva native: the Sovietisation of Central Asia, the transformation of China after the fall of the imperial regime and the creation of Manchukuo, the state located in Manchuria and controlled by Japan. The photos and the notes taken together reveal a view of the world marked by a deep humanity. The images are entered in UNESCO’s Memory of the World Register. STÉPHANE HERZOG Exhibition: Ella Maillart Photographic Encounters Until 1 November 2026 at Photo Elysée, Place de la Gare 17, 1003 Lausanne The photos and notes of Ella Maillart are a passport to adventure Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 12 Images
1 Ella Maillart lends out her Leica. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 2 Ella Maillart, The new railway between Nanyo and Ninguta, west of Vladivostock, 1934, Japanese Korea. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 3 Skaters outside the Forbidden City, 1935, Beijing, Republic of China. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 4 A portrait of Ella Maillart in the aisles of Photo: Elysée. The Geneva native died on 27 March 1997 in Chandolin (Valais), at the age of 94. Photo: Photo Elysée, Lausanne 5 Black and white pictures from the other end of the world. Photo: Photo Elysée, Lausanne 6 Qaidam Desert, at 3,000 metres’ altitude, late May 1935. Mount Kitin Kara, in the Kuen Lun mountain range, in Qinghai, Republic of China. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 7 Ella Maillart, My street — Ostozhenka, 1930, Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, USSR. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 8 Ella Maillart, Ukrainian knife-grinder, 1930, Moscow, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, USSR. Photo: Estate of Ella Maillart and Photo Elysée, Lausanne 4 6 7 8 5 Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 13
SUSANNE WENGER It is 13 February 2024 at around midday. A 41-year-old man punches his 38-year-old wife in the face and strangles her to death in their own home in an exclusive area of Binningen (canton of Basel-Landschaft). The couple, parents of two small children, are close to breaking up. The husband dismembers the body to dispose of it. A 47-year-old woman and her two daughters die after being stabbed in their apartment in Corcelles (canton of Neuchâtel) on the night of 19–20 August 2025. The 52-year-old ex-husband quickly becomes the focus of the investigation. A 71-year-old woman is found dead in her detached home in Grabs (canton of St Gallen) on 26 April 2026. The police arrest her 67-year-old husband. Three violent killings at three locations in three years. There are women of every age in Switzerland who live in danger within their own four walls. It is becoming harder for society and politicians to ignore the scourge of domestic violence. The time when such abuse was isolated has long since passed. On average, a woman dies from domestic violence every two to three weeks in Switzerland. The number of women and girls killed in 2025 was 25 – the highest yearly figure since the federal government began listing such crimes separately in 2009. Overall, there were 55 homicides in Switzerland last year. Government alarmed The victims of domestic violence also include men. But there is a clear pattern with homicides: over 90 percent of victims are female, and the perpetrators are mostly male. The peak of 2025 has alarmed the government. “We cannot go on like this,” Interior Minister Elisabeth Baume-Schneider declared. Justice Minister Beat Jans called it a crisis of safety, given that gender-based violence leads to more fatalities than other crime in Switzerland. A committee of government, cantonal and municipal representatives approved urgent action back in Femicides in Switzerland – violence behind closed doors With domestic killings of women reaching a new high in 2025, the Confederation and cantons are putting forward measures to curb the violence and give victims better protection. But is that enough? mid-2025, when cases were proliferating. One of the recommended measures is that regions work together to create safe spaces in women’s refuges. Nora Markwalder, criminal law professor at the University of St Gallen, does not yet see a sustained rise in the number of homicides against women but thinks the figures are worryingly consistent. Whereas recent decades have seen male-on-male killings fall sharply in Switzerland, the rate of intimate-partner homicides committed by men against women has remained much the same. “This is concerning,” she says. At the end of the Binningen murder trial in May 2026, people formed a human chain outside the court near Basel in memory of the woman who was killed. Photo: Keystone The number of women and girls killed in 2025 was 25 – a new record. Overall, there were 55 homicides in Switzerland last year. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 14 Society
home with them at the end of military service. Criticism – from left and right Women’s rights groups and left-wing parties note that, despite making progress, Switzerland still needs to do more to implement the Istanbul Convention. They have criticised a lack of funding for women’s refuges and claim that protection for women varies a lot from canton to canton. The right-wing SVP says domestic violence is a migrant problem first and foremost. It wants tougher sentences handed out and offenders deported. In 2027, the Confederation and cantons plan to unveil a new national strategy to combat domestic and sexual violence. Besides delivering a more standardised approach, it will also address the problem of digital violence. Furthermore, parliament has commissioned a feasibility study on how femicides – including those outside the domestic bubble – are recorded. Shocking murder The Binningen case went to trial this May. It revealed a devastating chain of events. The Basel-Landschaft court sentenced the husband to life imprisonment for murder and for desecrating the corpse. It concluded that the perpetrator acted out of revenge and a need for control, and was hurt and angered by his wife wanting to leave him. In the end, he killed his wife to cover up his abuse. The presiding judge said out loud what many were thinking: “This is a case of femicide.” Family, friends and activists remembered the victim by forming a human chain outside the court during sentencing. Murder, plain and simple The term “femicide” offers a possible answer. Coined in the 1970s by the American sociologist Diana Russell, it touches on the social dimension of the crimes committed. The UN referred to femicide in 2012 as the killing of women and girls in their own homes. Analyses show that femicides are often linked to the perpetrator’s possessiveness, need for dominance, or general expectations of and attitude to women. The most dangerous time is when partners separate. Markwalder: “Around half of the killings happen during or after break-up.” There is no definition of femicide in the Swiss legal context. Women’s rights groups, politicians, and the stopfemizid.ch research project have been employing the term for some time to raise awareness. But public authorities and the media are also using it more. Femicide tells it like it is, says Markwalder. “It is murder, plain and simple – not a family drama, or an accident, or a crime of passion, as they euphemistically used to call it.” New victim hotline Domestic violence – including rape, physical abuse, and threatening behaviour – used to be seen as a private matter in Switzerland: what happened at home stayed at home. It was not until 2004 that it became an offence prosecuted by the state. Politicians, irrespective of their political colour, have repeatedly demanded measures to combat gender-based violence. And by ratifying the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention in 2018, Switzerland has pledged to take action. A road map adopted by the Confederation and cantons in 2021 has produced some early results. A national hotline opened in spring 2026, with victims now able to call 142. Cantons have improved their escalation procedure to help identify abuse earlier; given that femicide often comes at the end of a spiral of violence, as a government analysis has shown. The police have become more proactive in engaging with high-risk individuals. Some cantons are testing electronic tagging as a way to enforce restraining orders. The federal government has launched a prevention campaign to raise awareness of domestic abuse. Legislative changes are also up for debate in areas like gun law. A 2025 study by the University of St Gallen showed that domestic killings in Switzerland involve a disproportionately high use of firearms, especially among older perpetrators. One reason is that Swiss men are allowed to take their standard-issue weapons Male-on-male killings in Switzerland have fallen sharply, but the rate of intimate-partner homicides committed by men against women has remained much the same. “This is concerning,” says criminal law professor Nora Markwalder. Photo provided In 2027, the Confederation and cantons plan to unveil a new national strategy to combat domestic and sexual violence. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 15
DÖLF BARBEN There is a spot in the middle of Mürren where tourists like to stop and take photos. Today is no exception. A young woman tosses her hair forward and then back, before smiling in front of the imposing backdrop. Her friend lines up a shot. Approaching from the side is a mother with her little boy. “Careful,” she says, “there’s no handrail.” She is a little overcautious, because there is no danger here. Or at least not yet. From this viewing point, there is a path that leads down a steep grassy slope. Go 100 metres down and you reach a fence with a gate. This is the edge of the cliff – and the gate is open. On the other side is a small platform for adrenaline-seeking base jumpers, who leap from here off the mountain before parachuting onto the valley floor. Hold on to the fence with one hand, strain your head forward, and you can get a glimpse of the sheer drop below. Your heart will skip a beat. At the bottom: the cable car station, parked cars, roads, houses. Everything improbably small yet frighteningly close. Up through the roof Mürren is perched on a high plateau in the Lauterbrunnen Valley, not far from Interlaken. Below is a vertical rock face that is overhanging in places. There is probably no other village that clings as much to the edge of a mountain – in Switzerland at least. The new cable car connecting Mürren with the valley floor underlines what an extraordinary location this is. It is the steepest cable car in the world. Riding it feels like being pulled up by the hair. Cable cars normally leave the bottom station moving forward. This one more or less departs through the roof of the building. Its support cables point upward like an hour hand that has almost reached 11 o’clock. The cabins have to cope with a maximum gradient of 159.4 per cent. You are glued to the window all the way up, staring at the sheer rock. Water sprays out of the Living on the edge Perched on the edge of a vertical cliff, Mürren (canton of Berne) is a base-jumping mecca boasting the steepest cable car in the world. What is it like to live there? cliff here and there. The cable car climbs 775 metres in four minutes. Bond movie There are some beautiful old posters celebrating Mürren’s spectacular location. But what else does this sunny place have to offer? For the people who live there, Mürren’s teetering clifftop position is maybe a little less scary. “Their” Mürren is the loveliest place on Earth – a peaceful car-free village with a glorious tourism heritage. It sits at the foot of one of 007’s old haunts, the Schilthorn mountain: the revolving restaurant at the summit, Piz Gloria, featured in the James Bond film “On Her Majesty’s Secret Service”, making Mürren more famous. None of the locals talk about the cliff edge. You need to ask them first. Kurt Huggler, 81, grew up in Mürren. He is a former ski racer, tourism director, and hotelier. “Yes, of course,” he says, “we ventured down there a lot when we were boys.” They would mess around and throw things, pick rare flowers, or just sit by the edge and peer down. They didn’t tell their parKurt and Verena Huggler in front of their house in Mürren. He was a tourism director and hotelier. Both competed in ski races. Photo: Dölf Barben Higher, farther, faster, more beautiful? In search of somewhat unconventional Swiss records Today: Mürren – a spectacular village boasting the world’s steepest cable car The Schilthornbahn to Mürren is the world’s steepest cable car. It is so steep that it more or less departs the valley floor through the roof. Photo: Dölf Barben The world’s steepest cable car connects Mürren. Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 16 Report
ren’s beauty and location.” At first, he genuinely wondered how anyone could have thought of settling in such a precarious spot. He has now got more used to that aspect at least. Paragliding, which he did for a while, gave him a similar feeling. He was petrified when he first floated out over the edge and saw the huge drop between his feet and the valley floor. “But it was nothing special 40 flights later.” Likewise, the new cable car. He says the ride is spectacular, but it is a good while since he last stood by the window. “Only visitors do that.” Nevertheless, he is fascinated by the actual rock face. Whenever friends are visiting, he likes to take them on the Via Ferrata – a cabled traverse down the cliff on which you are secured at all times. “You have to see it to believe it,” he says. The route goes past a base-jumping platform. Von Arx’s views on base jumping are similar to Huggler’s. “When I see them leap, I wonder how on earth anyone could do it.” ents about everything they did. Huggler tells the story of a dare that involved hanging upside down from a tree trunk over the edge. Just the thought is enough to make you feel queasy. He plays it down. Nothing bad ever happened, he insists. Maybe this was also thanks to their parents, who told them that there was a little fellow with a hook dwelling in the rock face who pulled children down and ate them. Listen to Huggler and you begin to understand that he relates to risk in a way that only people born in the mountains can. He has climbed peaks all his life. “I would never negotiate a difficult route without safety gear.” What he thinks of base jumping goes without saying. You have to judge danger when you live in the mountains. Families need each other. “No one can afford their next of kin dying.” Huggler laughs about another aspect of living near the rock face. “We used to simply tip our rubbish over the edge.” Hardly any of it was plastic, at least back then. There was no green waste either. “We fed that to the pigs.” It was mainly empty food tins and all sorts of large items. Once they even threw half an ice-cream maker down the cliff. It originally belonged to a hotel. “That was a sight to behold!” The rubbish never tumbled all the way to the bottom; it would come to a standstill on a ledge and was later filled in. “They should dig the pile up – then you really would learn a lot about Mürren,” he grins. “You have to see it to believe it” Sven von Arx, 30, a building services technician and a member of the local council, was in awe of the place when he moved into the village six years ago. “I am still amazed by MürSven von Arx arrived in Mürren six years ago. He is still in awe of the village’s location. Photo: Dölf Barben The village of Mürren (visible to the right) is perched around 800 metres above the floor of the Lauterbrunnen Valley. Its inhabitants are used to living in this spectacular spot. Photo: Wikimedia Below is a vertical rock face that is overhanging in places. The drop below is dizzying. The Mürren Via Ferrata Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 17
How Swiss should a Swiss product be? The Swiss Federal Institute of Intellectual Property has loosened the rules governing use of the Swiss cross – as a concession to global brands like the footwear company On. Until now, at least 60 percent of manufacturing costs have had to occur in Switzerland for a Swiss cross to be affixed to a product. In certain cases, a product designed or developed in Switzerland can now use it too. (WS) OECD criticises high cost of day care Switzerland still has work to do on gender equality, says an OECD report. The Swiss pay gap between men and women is one of the highest. This is mainly due to the high proportion of women in part-time work as well as the cost of childcare. In December, parliament approved a new law that paves the way for higher childcare allowances. (WS) E-ID vote – complaint rejected Last September saw 50.4 percent of the electorate vote yes to the introduction of digital IDs (e-ID). The Federal Supreme Court (FSC) rejected a legal bid to overturn the referendum result, which centred on a donation that Swisscom paid to supporters of the yes campaign – regarded as contrary to the principle that a state-controlled company must be politically neutral. The FSC deemed the objections inadmissible because they were submitted too late, and the result of the vote remains valid. E-ID is to be rolled out in December. (WS) Federal Council tightens too-big-to-fail rules The Federal Council wants systemically important (“toobig-to-fail”) banks like UBS to be subject to stricter capital requirements, so that investments in foreign subsidiaries are, in future, fully backed with readily available equity capital. This is following the collapse of Credit Suisse in 2023. The new rules aim to reduce the likelihood of another taxpayer-funded bailout and put the Swiss financial centre on a stronger footing. Parliament is due to debate the proposal in autumn. (WS) Federal Council decides not to increase retirement age The Federal Council has submitted its OASI reform proposals for consultation. Instead of increasing the retirement age, it wants to incentivise people to work longer by introducing a higher tax-free allowance from age 65 and allowing for greater flexibility in the transition to retirement. Taking early retirement would also be made harder. The changes would generate an extra 600 million Swiss francs a year for the pension system from 2030 to 2040. The question of funding remains open regarding the 13th state pension payment, the first of which is due in December. (WS) Erinaceus europaeus For the past 30 years, Pro Natura has selected Switzerland’s Animal of the Year, and for 2026, Switzerland’s oldest environmental organisation has chosen the European hedgehog (Erinaceus europaeus in Latin) – a surprising decision given that this creature already has a high profile. The common hedgehog is just the cutest little spiky ball in the world. Hearing one snuffle and munch around the garden on a balmy summer’s night is particularly enjoyable. Volunteers around the country care for injured hedgehogs. Road signs alert drivers to hedgehogs, reminding them to slow down. Pro Natura has, nevertheless, chosen the animal to raise awareness. With numbers dwindling in Switzerland, hedgehogs have been classified as “potentially threatened” for the last four years. This is because they now live mainly in towns and villages, where they are being squeezed out of their habitat by humans. Pro Natura is calling on people to design and maintain hedgehog-friendly spaces. These nocturnal mammals need shelters to rest and build their nests. They need openings in fences and walls so that they can roam through gardens. And they need untouched spaces where plants attract the insects on which they like to feed – beetles, millipedes and caterpillars especially. Uncovered swimming pools and robotic lawnmowers are a no-no – both are a danger to life and limb. The latter would make short shrift of a hedgehog’s spikes, of which there are up to 8,000. Experts advise the Swiss public to forget their love of the neat and tidy; hedgehogs prefer unkempt patches with leaf piles and dead wood to pristine gardens with immaculate lawns. November is when they return to hibernation – provided they can find a suitable resting spot. SUSANNE WENGER News Photo: Pro Natura Swiss Review / July 2026 / No. 3 18 Top pick
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